With an in-depth look at world history and the nationalist movements that have plagued the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the adage' history repeats itself' is validated. Following mirrored patterns across time, the Nazi and MAGA movements have influenced and heavily impacted the geopolitical world order and their countries domestically. However, these extremist nationalist movements were exacerbated by the rapid ascension of their respective leaders. From their affluent beginnings, both Adolf Hitler and Donald Trump's trajectory to the highest political office and prominence within their respective movements outlines a unique question that remains unanswered: how do extremist nationalist movements, like the Nazis and MAGA, become influential mainstream ideologies? Through the careful analytical exploration of empirical and testimonial evidence, we argue that Hitler and Trump's cult of personality and status as charismatic elites influenced and aided their appeal in becoming a mainstream extremist nationalist movement. Additionally, providing a contrasting perspective, each leader's appeal to their individual country's ethnic nationalistic views, in addition to the racially divisive rhetoric used through their campaigns, propelled their candidacy and star power to new heights.
Through their respective movements and manifestations of extremist nationalism, we argue that mainstream ideologies, led by Führer Adolf Hitler and President Donald Trump, are accredited to the complex intersectionality of several distinct factors. While the charisma and cult of personality each leader portrays are significant to their role and influence, the mass appeal of ethnic nationalism and racially divisive rhetoric in their campaigns equally impact their rise to power. Grounded in an ethnic nationalism theory framework, we seek to dissect the mechanisms through which these extremist nationalist movements transition from the fringe to an influential mainstream ideology, providing a nuanced understanding of how these movements have shaped the political landscape.
To understand Hitler and Trump's rise to prominence, we must first analyze the historical context of their early years that laid the groundwork to become the leaders of extremist nationalist movements. During the Bavarian Revolution of 1918 and following the end of World War I, Adolf Hitler was noted as an "…obscure rank-and-file soldier who had so far played no part in politics of any kind" (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 161). However, he was the embodiment of the national identity seen by Pan-Germans, though he was Austrian by birth. Born on April 20, 1889, in Braunau am Inn, Austria, to upper-class parents Alois and Klara Hitler, Adolf was their fourth child but the first to survive childhood. While there are "few reliable eyewitness accounts of Adolf Hitler's earliest years," historians have outlined a continual trend of his family moving regularly before settling in a suburb of Linz, Austria (Ullrich 17). Following the death of his mother and father, Adolf moved to Vienna.
As he failed to gain access to the art school of his dreams, Hitler "…conceived a violent hatred for bourgeois convention, the establishment, rules and regulations" (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 164). Adding to this profound hatred, his political views absorbed during his years in Linz were further ingrained by the Pan-Germanism of George Ritter von Schönerer. Loathing the Austrian monarchy, he likened the idea put forth by Schönerer for all "…German-speaking areas of Austria be absorbed into the German Empire…" (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 164). For Hitler, a racially homogenous country appealed to him greatly as Vienna's racially mixed demographic sickened him. Hitler himself outlines that Vienna is where his Jew hatred began. He explains, "At that time, I underwent the greatest internal upheaval I have ever experienced. I went from cosmopolitan weakling to fanatic anti-Semite" (Ullrich 43).
At the age of twenty-four, Hitler moved to Munich, Germany, leaving behind the repulsive mixed-race demographic that plagued the city of Vienna. Shortly after, Hitler enlisted in the Bavarian army following the outbreak of World War I. "For the next four years, he remained with his regiment, acting as a dispatch runner, gaining promotion to corporal, and winning two decorations of bravery…" before getting caught in a poisonous gas attack that would pull him out of the war right before Germany would accept defeat (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 167). Following the defeat, Hitler would articulate his hatred for those responsible for the loss before closing out his passage in his autobiographical manifesto, Mein Kampf, stating that he had decided to become a politician, implying to seek revenge.
In 1919, Hitler joined the German Workers' Party, which sought to win the "…working class over from Marxism and enlist it in the service of the Pan-German Cause" (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 170). Quickly after that, he became the star speaker of the party and became indispensable to them. However, "a central motif running through almost all of Hitler's speeches was his declaration of war on the Jews" (Ullrich 102). Several months later, the party's name would change to the National Socialist German Workers' Party, Nazi or NSDAP for short, to align with other similar groups in neighboring countries. However, when the founder of the party, Anton Drexler, tried to merge with other far-right organizations, Hitler resigned from the party and rejoined after all six of his uncompromising demands were met[1]. Following the unanimous vote of his election to chairman of the party in 1921, "they also approved…the party charter, which gave… 'directorial responsibility,' thereby cementing Hitler's claim to absolute leadership" (Ullrich 113).
With his newfound power within the NSDAP, Hitler and his party, under his direct leadership, attempted a coup in Munich, Germany, on November 8-9, 1923, known as the Beer Hall Putsch. Over the next five months following an unsuccessful attempt to gain power in Germany, he would be tried and ultimately sentenced "…to a mere five years in prison for high treason…," though he served only eight months (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 196). Behind bars, Hitler became well-read, studied political theory, and wrote his manuscript, Mein Kampf, or My Struggle in English, which would be used as a blueprint for his future actions. For Hitler, "the most important lesson he learned from the failed enterprise of 8 and 9 November was that he was going to have to take another path if he wanted to come to power," and that is precisely what he did over the next nine years (Ullrich 163).
By the July 1932 election, Hitler and the NSDAP became the strongest party in Germany, continually gaining in each previous election. Though he believed his ascension to the Chancellor of Germany was rightfully his, President Paul Von Hindenburg initially opposed it as he feared Hitler would not "…respect 'the character of a presidential government" (Ullrich 318). After much convincing and debate, Hindenburg had a change of heart, and on January 30, 1933, Hitler was sworn in as the Chancellor of Germany, the most powerful state in central Europe. Shortly after, on March 24, 1933, the Enabling Law was passed, providing a constitutional amendment that would allow Hitler to "…bypass both the Reichstag and the President and promulgate laws…" on his own (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 349). Following the death of President Hindenburg in August 1934, Hitler achieved his ultimate height of power with a resounding vote of referendum approval to unite the office of President and Chancellor, successfully creating a consolidated, dictatorial power.
On June 14, 1946, less than a year after World War II ended and Hitler's death, Donald John Trump was born to Fred and Mary Trump in Queens, New York. Like Hitler, Trump was the fourth child to the couple and was born into an upper-class family. From birth, "the Trumps had other things hardly anyone else possessed, including a chauffeur, a cook, an intercom system, a color television, and a sprawling electric train set that was the envy of the neighborhood" (Kranish and Fisher 32). Once of primary school age, Trump had grown accustomed to resisting authority, disrespecting teachers, and disrupting class. As his grades began to suffer and he continually found himself in hot water, while in seventh grade, Trump was "…pulled out of the family and, after years of being surrounded by every comfort he could imagine, was suddenly far from home and all alone..." when enrolled in the New York Military Academy in Cornwall, New York (Haberman 25-26).
During his time at boarding school, Trump came to learn discipline and began to master the academy's rigid lifestyle, even winning medals for being pristine and tidy. While he had come to figure out how to get the headmaster on his side, his classmates recall how power and importance drove him forward. Fellow cadet Jeff Orteneau recounts that once Trump stated, "I'm going to be famous one day," while George White recalled, "The only thing Trump ever talked about…was, 'I gotta win.' What Fred put into his head was he had to win at all cost and other people didn’t matter." (Kranish and Fisher 41, Haberman 26). These statements early on in life help clearly depict what was important to Trump and provide a glimpse into his psyche.
Upon graduating in May 1964, Trump enrolled at Fordham University in the Bronx, New York, and began working for his father, a well-known real estate developer. However, Trump would not last long at Fordham as he felt he did not belong and transferred to the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School during his junior year. Upon completing his degree, he concentrated on the family business, rebranding it The Trump Organization to make it "…sound grander and bigger and more established than it was" (Haberman 30). By 1991, Donald Trump had become synonymous with wealth. Regardless of any issues he had run into financially, "…his personal brand matter more than what was on his balance sheet, the projection of strength and success was more significant than any actual fact set underneath" (Haberman 119). Through this disillusion of "success" and façade, in just the first half of the 1990s, Trump racked up four bankruptcies, including Trump's Taj Mahal, two other casinos in Atlantic City, and the Plaza Hotel.
Over the next ten years, Trump would rebuild his financial gains and portfolio. However, his personal brand was about to skyrocket to new heights with his reality show, The Apprentice. During this time and as his celebrity star climbed higher, he began to fan the flame of running for President of the United States following the upheaval of President Clinton's sex scandal and impeachment proceedings. In The America We Deserve, which he published in January 2000, he writes, "…I am considering a run for the presidency of the United States…if I become convinced I can win…nonpoliticians represent the wave of the future" (Kranish and Fisher 286). Planting the seed for the future, Trump dropped out of the race entirely but remained on the Reform Party ballot in two states, Michigan and California, winning both.
Leading up to the 2012 Presidential campaign, "Trump's celebrity status promptly put him among the 2012 front-runners" (Kranish and Fisher 291). Ultimately, he decided not to enter the race, citing his business, young children, and a new contract for his reality show as the reason against launching a campaign at the time and through his weight behind Mitt Romney. However, as the votes came in on November 6, 2012, Trump took to Twitter to express his outrage and foreshadow what was yet to come. He exclaimed, "This election is a total sham and a travesty. We are not a democracy!" (Trump). Just days after the election, Trump would file trademarks for the political phrase "Make America Great Again," thereby foreshadowing what was to come. As 2015 kicked off, Trump stepped up his potential bid for the White House and hired a campaign manager, something he had not done the previous three times he pondered entering the race.
On June 16, 2015, Trump began his infamous escalator descent at Trump Tower and officially announced his candidacy for President of the United States. Over the next thirteen months, he would slowly make ground as he over-performed repeatedly as each primary or caucus passed. "By the time of the Republican convention, Trump had more than secured the delegates needed to win the party nomination," locking in an election between him and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton (Schier and Eberly 77). Unexpectedly, to the country, the world, and even himself, Trump would win the election on November 8, 2016. Clinton would win the popular vote, though she lost the electoral college by 38,000 votes in three states that "…would have delivered the presidency…" to her (Schier and Eberly 86). Despite the rumblings of the role Russian interference played in the election, Trump became the 45th President of the United States of America on January 21, 2017.
With the examination of the historical timeline of the rise of both Hitler and Trump, we must further analyze the economic, ideological, and political ecosystems plaguing Germany and the United States of America that aided in their progression toward ultimate power and influenced their extremist nationalism to become mainstream ideologies. Though the rise of each leader was roughly a century apart, the economic upheaval played a significant role in the appeal of each candidacy. For Germany, from the start of World War I, "expenditure had far exceeded the revenue that the government had been able to raise from loans or indeed from any other source" and led to extreme inflation (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 103). With skyrocketing food prices and the collapse of their currency, citizens experienced the threat of starvation, malnutrition, and death. As the country began to come out of the economic upheaval in the early 1920s, a "…widespread resentment against 'capitalists' and 'profiteers' in many quarters of German society" began to emerge (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 112). As the Great Depression blanketed the world and at the height of the collapse of the German economy in 1932, six million workers were out of jobs.
In his speeches, Hitler began to peddle the "…alleged financial mismanagement in Germany…" that plagued the country during the thirteen years of economic downturn while promising to "…clean up the 'party gang' as soon as he came to power" (Ullrich 302). By using this rhetoric to give the electorate hope of a new, better future, he was creating the perfect environment and groundwork needed to entice them to follow the extremist political movement the Nazis had created. Additionally, as many Germans felt humiliated and taken advantage of during the Treaty of Versailles, which exacerbated their economic issues, many were looking to elect a leader with a strategic plan for the country's future.
Like the economic upheaval that plagued Germany, the United States of America was going through its own financial crisis. With the 2008 financial crisis, "…a decade that featured periods of high unemployment, low economic growth, rising levels of personal debt, and stagnant wage growth contributed to low public esteem of government, banks, and industry and greater popular distrust, discontent, and anger" (Schier and Eberly 13). This combination is what made Trump's candidacy viable in the 2016 election. He would use his platform to elevate the rising inequality between the lower, middle, and upper class further to underline the economic conditions under then-President Barak Obama, eluding that more time under Democrat control would cause significant harm to the country.
According to How Trump Happened by Steve Schier and Todd Eberly, "…in 2013, the median net worth of the nation's upper-income families was 6.6 times that of the middle-income families, and nearly 70 times that of lower-income families" (126). By 2015, the middle class had seen income increases but no shifts in the country's inequality levels. As the income gap continued to widen, working-class Americans began to feel as if the country was rigged against them and began to resent the status quo of American politicians, providing an in for an anti-establishment candidate to build momentum. Trump used this divide to his advantage and promised to 'drain the swamp,' which was used as an "…effective political shorthand that both diagnosed the problem and pointed toward a solution" (Schier and Eberly 128).
As we have outlined and argue that the economic ecosystem that plagued Germany and the United States of America aided the rise of Hitler and Trump, we must acknowledge the counterargument that the economic conditions only do not entirely explain the rise of the extremist movements and their ability to become influential mainstream ideologies. Widening the scope to include those outside of the economic conditions at play, other societal factors contribute to the growth and formation of these nationalist ideologies, including ancient hatreds, identity politics, and cultural anxieties that have arisen. Additionally, through the extensive propaganda campaigns accompanying each candidate, these movements exploited the economic conditions to mobilize the electorate to want new leadership. However, their agenda-setting may be a broader encompassing scope to include far-reaching social and political issues. Therefore, reducing the focus to strictly economic factors oversimplifies the intersectionality of multiple forces that have driven these extremist nationalist movements to take hold in Germany and the United States of America.
By framing the economic issues and their rhetoric in speeches, propaganda, or news, Hitler and Trump outlined the ideological foundations that helped explain how extremist nationalism could become an influential mainstream movement. A critical factor in both campaigns and ascension to power is the rise and development of ethnic nationalism in Germany and the United States of America. According to The New Nationalism in America and Beyond, “Ethnic nationalism defines the nation primarily in terms of a perceived common ethnic heritage and culture that developed organically over many generations (“since time immemorial”) in its territorial homeland” (Schertzer and Wood 22).
Hitler knew his path forward was to fan the flames of the racial divide. He declared, “The nationalization of our masses’ will succeed only when, aside from all the positive struggle for the soul of our people, their international poisoners are exterminated” (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 197). Trump, on the other hand, “…regularly and unambiguously evokes the foundational ethnic myths and symbols associated with the dominant white conception of American identity” (Schertzer and Wood 92). Both Hitler and Trump illuminated a we versus them mentality through their nationalistic views, Jews as a plague on Germany and the non-white Americans on the United States of America. With this use of division, “ethnic nationalists claim that “we” as a nation are worth defending, because “we” are the bearers of a unique culture in this world. The ideal world for an ethnic nationalist is one in which each nation can pursue its own modes of social, economic, and political life within its territorial homeland, free from external influence” (Schertzer and Wood 23).
In the hopes of further emboldening supporters to align with their movements, each candidate exacerbated their racial tensions through Hitler’s anti-Semitism and Trump’s anti-immigration stances. In Germany, the Third Reich began waves of anti-Semitism in 1933 and increased over time, further underlining the we vs. them mentality. “Synagogues were attacked, Jewish graves were defaced, and the homes and businesses of Jews had their windows smashed on the daily basis. Jews were insulted, belittled, and physically beaten on the streets” (Ullrich 548). In the United States, Trump began to demonize Mexicans and Muslims as illegal aliens and vowed to “make America great again.” He lamented continually throughout this campaign that Mexico is “…sending people that have lots of problems…They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people” (Kranish and Fisher 311).
However, through ethnic nationalism, racial division, and an increasing we versus them mentality, these ideological foundations were successful in their psychological approach. Both Hitler and Trump appealed to the emotions of both countries and the electorate. Using fear, anger, and pride, voters were able to rationalize their alignment with these extremist movements. By mobilizing the electorate, they could convert them to believe anything through propaganda and false narratives, scapegoating and demonizing the outsider. Both countries experienced great anxieties surrounding the course of the future following great upheaval in society and the economy. Nevertheless, while both Hitler and Trump have exhibited the traits of extremist ethnic nationalist movements, we must acknowledge that their movements were not just based on nationalistic principles. Historians have also highlighted that their movements encompassed anti-globalization, populism, and protectionism through the policies and rhetoric that flowed from their subsequent campaigns over their rise to power.
Helping to enhance the anxieties previously highlighted, both countries were encountering political ecosystems that enabled extremist nationalism to become mainstream ideologies. Following World War I and at the height of the Great Depression, Germans were desperate for a new leader who could provide for the country and change the status quo. In Hitler by Volker Ullrich, he eloquently outlines this sentiment: "Faith in democratic institutions and democratic political parties dissolved, and anti-parliamentary sentiment, already rife in the Weimar Republic, was given a huge boost. Those in power appeared to have no solutions to the crisis, and the more helpless they seemed to be, the greater the demand became for a ‘strong man,’ a political messiah who would lead Germany out of economic misery and point the way towards renewed national greatness. More than any other German politician, Hitler presented himself as the answer to these hopes for salvation” (223).
Much like the mistrust of the government in Germany, the United States of America was grappling with similar political forces that helped to elevate Trump’s candidacy in 2016. With the economic upheaval that followed the 2008 financial crisis, Americans had grown to distrust the United States government. In the country, the Trust Index, which indicates the greater public trust in the government, had fallen from 61in 1966 to hovering “…near 30 for most of the 1970s until 2008 before falling to 17 in 2016” (Schier and Eberly 3). The drastic change in trust was partly due to the increasing polarization and partisanship that had developed in the United States Congress. Fed up with the political system in the United States of America, “Republican voters were receptive to Trump’s repeated assaults on the Republican establishment, the Democratic establishment, and any other establishment that raised his ire” (Schier and Eberly 36).
Adding to Hitler and Trump’s candidacy, each was a highly charismatic elite, which helped to co-opt the existing political structures. Both leaders held distinct oratorical styles yet used simple, straightforward language to appeal to the ordinary masses. While Hitler “…exuded self-confidence, aggression, belief in the ultimate triumph of his party, even a sense of destiny,” Trump spoke in a way that seems “… ‘authentic’ and ‘one of us’” (Schier and Eberly 46). By dawning these traits and speaking habits, both candidates were able to exude a level of showmanship that ultimately infiltrated the mainstream in a way that became a cult of personality. Building on this level of celebrity that they had built for themselves, each could dictate and impact the dynamic of their leadership style.
For Hitler, the widespread enthusiasm for him and his charisma grew around him, inside the Party and outside. Propaganda and symbolism grew from his star rising, including the “…use of the ‘German greeting,’ ‘Hail Hitler!’” to become compulsory and “…reinforced the movement’s total dependence on Hitler…” (Evans, The Coming of the Third Reich 212). In the United States of America, Trump saw much of the same growth as Hitler, and his star rose to new levels. Those aligned with his extremist movement began to dawn the MAGA crest and flocked to his campaign rallies in droves. In addition to propaganda, he used national and social media to his advantage as his unprecedented moments or “…controversy guarantees coverage” (Schier and Eberly 77).
As we have outlined, the political ramifications and conditions that have played a role in propagating extremist nationalism movements in Germany and the United States of America, like the economic factors, the political institutions, and leadership, are often symptomatic factors and part of the whole. These extremist nationalist movements have become mainstream due to deeper riffs in our society. These issues may include perceived threats to the national identity, growing economic inequality, and cultural displacement from non-natives. The political elite and their institutions may try to capitalize on these riffs for their gains, but they are contingent upon the forces at play. Highlighting the singularity of the rise of the extremist nationalist movement and its drive to become mainstream due to the instability of the political institutions oversimplifies the deep riff of societal and economic issues that have helped these movements to gain momentum.
Throughout our research, we have explored the intersectionality of the dynamics of Adolf Hitler and Donald Trump’s rise to power through their historical context, as well as economic, ideological, and political ecosystems. From the central research question, we sought to explore how such extremist nationalist movements evolved into the influential mainstream ideologies that have become very well-studied today. With an analysis viewed through the lens of ethnic nationalism theory, we have confirmed that the phenomenon is a product of several key factors. By providing two hypotheses that outline differing yet complimentary stances, we have provided a robust argument that explains how these extreme nationalist movements succeed at penetrating the mainstream political sphere. Upon examining the empirical and testimonial evidence, it is apparent that the role of each leader's cult of personality and their influence as a charismatic elite wield significant influence on the electorate to galvanize support. Additionally, we have underscored how ethnic nationalism and racially divisive rhetoric appeal to the base of the party through a we versus them mentality. By tapping into these anxieties to create fear and hatred, it illuminates the emotive and ethnically driven nuances of the extremist nationalist movement.
Synthesizing everything down to the finite core, we have provided a nuanced understanding of the extremist nationalist movements that came to be under the leadership of Hitler and Trump, highlighting how they became mainstream ideologies. By understanding the correlation and significance of charismatic elite leaders and the vast socio-political issues at play during a movement, we can avoid history repeating itself every century with the rise of a new ethnic nationalist movement. Ultimately, the intersectionality of charisma, ethnic nationalism, political instability, and economic hardship provide the perfect atmosphere for someone like Hitler or Trump to rise to power and penetrate the mainstream political systems.
[1] Hitler’s six demands were: 1) Call a party conference within a week to “…put himself forward as ‘chairman with dictatorial powers of responsibility…”; 2) Declare Munich the home of the movement; 3) Set a six-year ban on changes to the party name or program; 4) Demanded anyone who wanting to cooperate with the party had to join and only he would negotiate; 5) An immediate stop to all attempts to merge with other political parties; 6) the NSDAP must boycott the planned meeting in August 1921 in Linz, Germany (Ullrich 112).
Works Cited
Evans, Richard J. The Coming of the Third Reich. New York, NY, The Penguin Press, 2004.
---. The Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939. New York, NY, The Penguin Press, 2005.
Haberman, Maggie. Confidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America. New York, NY, Penguin Press, 2022.
Kranish, Michael, and Marc Fisher. Trump Revealed: An American Journey of Ambition, Ego, Money, and Power. New York, NY, Scribner, 2016.
Schertzer, Robert, and Eric Taylor Woods. "The New Nationalism in America and Beyond: The Deep Roots of Ethnic Nationalism in the Digital Age." New York, NY, Oxford University Press, 2022, https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197547823.001.0001.
Schier, Steven E., and Todd E. Eberly. How Trump Happened: A System Shock Decades in the Making. New York, NY, Rowman and Littlefield, 2020.
Trump, Donald J. [@realDonaldTrump]. "This election is a total shame and a travesty. We are not a democracy!" Twitter, 6 November 2012, https://shorturl.at/hFGQU
Ullrich, Volker. Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939. Translated by Jefferson Chase, London, England, The Bodley Head, 2016.
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